"Some People are alive ONLY because it's illegal to kill them."

The Devil's Double Book.

My dear friends, I promised you a new edition of The Devil's Double, here is the new cover of the book, it will be out before Christmas 2011, I promise and at a reasonable price, unlike the idiots on Amazon. I'm donating my royalties to the Iraqi Orphans, America does the damage and it's up to us to try and fix the country, I urge my American friends to tell the administration to stop supporting Dictators and "liberating" us from the Dictators that they support and have installed in our countries.
Best regards to all.
Latif Yahia

http://www.facebook.com/TheDevilsDoubleBook

Hussein Wanted Soviets to Head Off U.S. in 1991

By: Michael R. Gordon
Published: January 19,2011

WASHINGTON — As the American-led ground offensive in the first war with Iraq got under way on Feb. 24, 1991, Saddam Hussein directed his frustration at an unlikely target: the Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev. Mr. Hussein had dispatched his foreign minister to Moscow in an 11th-hour bid to head off a ground war.

After prodding by Mr. Gorbachev, Mr. Hussein had offered to withdraw Iraqi troops from Kuwait in 21 days. But the United States appeared to be moving ahead with its land campaign.

“The situation is now is getting worse,” Mr. Hussein had written the previous night in an emotional letter to the Soviet leader. “Our nation and army are confused. We are asking ourselves which one is more significant: the Soviet Union’s proposal or the Americans’ threats?”

Speaking to trusted aides, Mr. Hussein was less diplomatic, denouncing Mr. Gorbachev as a “scoundrel” who lacked the will or influence to stay the first President George Bush’s hand. “He tricked us,” Mr. Hussein said. “I knew he would betray us!”

The disclosures about Mr. Hussein’s closed-door deliberations that first day of the Persian Gulf land war are documented in an extraordinary Iraqi archive, which includes 2,300 hours of recorded meetings and millions of pages of documents, that was captured by United States forces after the 2003 invasion.

On the 20th anniversary of Operation Desert Storm (the air campaign began on Jan. 17, 1991), three transcripts of Mr. Hussein’s fateful decisions are being released to coincide with a symposium in Texas on Thursday with Mr. Bush and members of his war cabinet. Only a small portion of the archive, stored in digital form at the National Defense University, has been declassified and opened to outside researchers. (A 2008 government report drew on the three Feb. 24 transcripts, but until now they have not been available in their entirety.)

The war’s history has been well documented, but the three transcripts provide gripping new details of what went on inside the Iraqi command, including Mr. Hussein’s anger at Mr. Gorbachev and his misinterpretation of the United States’ military actions.

With only fragments of information coming from the battlefield and a room full of subordinates eager to applaud the faintest glimmer of success, Mr. Hussein was convinced that the United States lacked the resolve to wage a grinding ground war, the transcripts show.

Even if the Americans suffered just one casualty for every four Iraqi casualties, he boldly predicted, the United States would falter. He lectured his aides that igniting Kuwait’s oil fields to hinder the allied warplanes was a valid military tactic that would not enrage the world. And he and his aides kept misreading the signals about whether the ground assault had even begun.

Studied along with a parallel archive of declassified transcripts at the George Bush Presidential Library at Texas A & M University, the captured Iraqi records depict Mr. Gorbachev as eager to engineer a solution that would protect the Soviet Union’s former Iraqi client and make the Soviets an equal partner with the United States in international diplomacy, but unwilling to jeopardize his relations with the Bush administration.

Mr. Bush emerges as a leader who sought to mollify Mr. Gorbachev even as the United States stuck to its demand for the unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait.

“It is your neighborhood, and some of them are your friends,” Mr. Bush told Mr. Gorbachev in a phone call on Feb. 22, 1991. “We recognize Soviet interests in the area. I want to get our forces out of there as soon as possible. I know how the Iranians and others feel.”

Jeffrey A. Engel, a professor at the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A & M, noted that the exchanges showed that “despite heated discussions at the height of war with Iraq, Bush and Gorbachev were fundamentally concerned with safeguarding the future of Soviet-American relations.”

Iraq’s invasion and occupation of Kuwait on Aug. 2, 1990, were followed by months of demands that Iraqi forces leave the Persian Gulf nation, resolutions in the United Nations Security Council and a buildup of military might by the Americans and their allies in the region.

After the air campaign began in January, preparations for a possible ground attack in Iraq were stepped up. With the ground war just days away, Mr. Gorbachev mounted a peacemaking effort. Tariq Aziz, the Iraqi foreign minister, arrived in Moscow on Feb. 21. Later that day, Mr. Gorbachev told Mr. Bush in a phone call that he sensed a “serious shift” in Iraq’s position, according to a transcript in the Bush Library.

Iraq, Mr. Gorbachev said, was no longer demanding that resolution of the gulf crisis be linked to other issues in the Middle East. And although the Iraqis had initially demanded that they be given six weeks to leave Kuwait, the Soviets had insisted that the schedule be shortened to 21 days. That timetable still fell short of Mr. Bush’s demands that Mr. Hussein unconditionally remove his troops and pay reparations to Kuwait and that a plan be worked out to deal with Iraq’s poison gas, biological weapons and nuclear arms programs.

Mr. Gorbachev’s diplomatic efforts were undermined on Feb. 22 when the Kuwaiti oil well fires that Mr. Hussein had ordered set — and which he saw as a defensive measure — were described by Mr. Bush in his conversation with the Soviet leader as a “scorched-earth policy” and a reason to not delay military action. Mr. Bush said it should take the Iraqis no more than seven days to pull out of Kuwait, and he issued them an ultimatum to take action before noon the following day.

On Feb. 23, just minutes before the noon deadline, Mr. Bush and the Soviet leader spoke by telephone. Mr. Gorbachev argued that joint American-Soviet action through the United Nations would establish a model for dealing with other crises.

“George, let’s keep cool,” Mr. Gorbachev said. “Saddam wants to stall, but we are not simpletons.”

But Mr. Bush’s patience had been exhausted. “Mikhail,” he said, “I appreciate that spirit, but I don’t want to leave a false impression there is any more time.” If the Iraqis intended to comply with the withdrawal demand, he said, it would need to happen “in the next few minutes.”

In Baghdad the next morning, Mr. Hussein waited anxiously for word from his foreign minister, who had left Moscow. “When will Comrade Tariq arrive?” the Iraqi leader asked. Told that Mr. Aziz had yet to return to Baghdad, Mr. Hussein demanded: “What do you mean he has not arrived?” He read aloud a headline: “Tariq Aziz Arrives in Baghdad.”

As he waited for the minister to show up, Mr. Hussein instructed his subordinates to read a letter he had sent to Mr. Gorbachev the night before, asking the Soviet president why he was not doing more to oppose Mr. Bush’s decision to start the ground war. “We trusted you,” Mr. Hussein wrote.

The conspiracy-minded Iraqi leader seemed both baffled and angry.

“In typical fashion, he suspected that Iraq had been stabbed in the back, this time by disingenuous Soviet mediation efforts,” said David Palkki, the deputy director of the research center that houses the declassified Hussein archives.

Mr. Gorbachev’s reply was not reassuring. He wrote that Mr. Bush did not agree with the Soviet proposal, and that if Mr. Hussein wanted to avoid a ground war, he should immediately issue a statement saying that Iraq would withdraw its forces within 9 to 10 days, which was close to Mr. Bush’s seven-day timeline.

When Mr. Aziz finally arrived to see Mr. Hussein, the Iraqi leader greeted him with a laugh: “Are you up to surprises like Bush?”

To elude American warplanes, Mr. Aziz had returned via Jordan and traveled by road to Baghdad. Like two teenagers discussing the latest muscle car, Mr. Hussein and his foreign minister talked about how fast it was possible to drive on Iraq’s roads.

“We were going 220 on the highway,” Mr. Aziz said, referring to kilometers. That translates to more than 130 miles per hour.

Neither official put much hope in getting help from Iraq’s neighbors. One aide asked about Iran, whose eight-year war with Iraq had ended in 1988. “We are done dealing with the Iranians this time,” Mr. Aziz said. Added Mr. Hussein: “Like all new revolutions, they talk too much.”

With little accurate intelligence, Mr. Hussein and his command failed to grasp their adversary’s strategy. The Iraqis believed an American amphibious landing — a giant feint intended to distract Iraqi troops — was likely.

And Mr. Hussein initially mistook some probing actions by the American military as signs that a major attack had been mounted and contained. “If this is the initial shock,” Mr. Hussein said, “then the attack has failed.”

But as the day wore on, the seriousness of the predicament became more apparent. Frustrated at their inability to negotiate a compromise on their terms, the Iraqi officials speculated that casualties that the United States would suffer in a ground attack would lead Mr. Bush to soften his demands.

“Let us pray to God to grant us success to slaughter any number of them,” Mr. Aziz said. “That is what is going to help us get results.”

“Let them come to Karbala city,” Mr. Hussein said confidently. “It will become their cemetery.”

This House hates Human Rights (Cambridge Union)

Debate:

the Title of the debate was (This House hates Human Rights) The debate took place in Cambridge Union Society, in UK 25/Nov/2010.

PROPOSITION:

1-Andy Hayman : was the highest ranking officer responsible for counter-terrorism in the UK whilst at London's Metropolitan Police, and was directly responsible for the investigation into the 7 July London bombings.

2-Peter Hitchens : writes for The Mail on Sunday. A former resident correspondent in Moscow and Washington, he appears frequently on radio and television, debating typically left-wing opponents on a variety of topics.

3-Charles Drummond : is a history PhD student at Trinity College. A graduate of Harvard University, Drummond was a liaison to national security fellows at the Kennedy School of Government and an intern at the American Bar Association, where he worked on issues of human rights law.

OPPOSITION:

1-Philip Murray : is currently studying for a PhD in public law at Corpus Christi College, where he also teaches constitutional law. His research covers a broad range of constitutional issues, including human rights law.

2-Isabella Sanky :

3-Dr. Latif Yahia : PhD International Law an Iraqi-born author, blogger and former military officer in the Iran-Iraq War. Dr Yahia was also forcibly recruited to be the body double of Saddam Hussein's elder son Uday Hussein.

Part 1 Andy Hayman.

Part 2 Philip Murray.

Part 3 Charles Drummond.

Part 4 Isabella Sanky.

Part 5 Peter Hitchens.

Part 6 Dr. Latif Yahia.

The Iraqi police and Militias are hand in hand to destroy Iraqis.

By: Latif Yahia

For those that do not read Arabic, this video shows the so-called Iraqi Police who are actually Militias abusing Iraqi people. This is why I put the title "The Iraqi police and Militias are hand in hand to destroy Iraqis"
The real problem now is that half of these so-called Iraqi police have fled Iraq and are seeking Asylum in European and Western countries, having seen this footage and taking it as typical behavior, would you be comfortable having one of these guys become a refugee in your country?
Once they attain refugee status they return to Iraq to kill, kidnap and make money to send to the country that they have status in, when they have filled their account they go back to the country of status and await citizenship. These countries that they hide this blood money in never ask where it came from, they do their dirty job in Iraq save the money in the West until they become citizens and then return to Iraq with Western passports so that no one can touch them. All you have to do is take the former and present incarnations of the Iraqi governments as examples, they all sat in the UK , America, Canada, Ireland, Australia, Cyprus, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Holland, and more, even Asia, taking social welfare and boom all of a sudden they are multimillionaires
No one asks the hard questions because this is the Hypocrisy of Western countries, if something happens with these people in the countries that they have status in they are marked as terrorists, when they go and do the same things in their homeland it is fine 'no problem'
I have not found justice or real human rights in any country in my last 19 years in the West, any country that is known not to have human rights or a justice system if they are friends with the west suffer no consequences, Saudi Arabia would be a perfect example 17 of the 9/11 Hijackers were Saudi, but Saudi was not invaded, because Saudi is America's friend, instead they invaded Iraq, a country that has never attacked America, nor did it have the capability to as the US was fully aware.

Jalal Talabani and Saddam 1991 Baghdad
Massoud Barzani and Saddam 1996 Baghdad

It's 'old news' but I will say it again to keep it fresh in our minds, Iraq did not have Weapons of Mass Destruction. When the American administration realized or acknowledged this they immediately changed their reasons for invasion from 'Imminent threat' to ' Removal of Dictator' because Saddam, as America then decided, could not remain in power, as he had in the past killed members of his own society. The reasons were unimportant. Saddam HAD to be removed.
Now he has been replaced by not one but 325 new murderers, plus the President and his Militia in what is now known as Kurdistan, each political party has it's own Private Army or Militia. We have attained a new record in Iraq, we have two serving Presidents one who serves just for the North Massoud Barzani, and one in Baghdad who has been 'elected' for the second time Jalal Talabani. Barzani forced the Iraqi government and all the political leaders to re-elect Talabani because he was afraid that if Talabani did not have a job elsewhere, he may go back to 'Kurdistan' and continue the 1996 war when Barzani asked Saddam Hussein to bring the Republic Guard to fight with him against Talabani and his Army.
Since 2003, over 1 million Iraqis have been killed under the eyes of the Americans who came to 'install' Democracy in Iraq. There are over 5 million Iraqi refugees inside and outside Iraq.
My question is, who will pay the price ultimately, the Iraqi people or the Western countries?
For the moment the Western countries are not concerned with this problem as there is enough money coming out of Iraq that can be frozen or seized to compensate them enough in this world recession. In the last seven years 364 billion has gone missing from Iraq, this is what the government has admitted to.
To put into perspective how large an amount this is we shall do this exercise;
If I were to count to 1 million without interruption it would take me nearly one week.
If I were to count to 1 Billion without interruption it would take me 35 years.
now multiply that by 364, it equals 12,740, that's how many years I would spend counting the money Iraq has lost.
To be continued.